John writes on context
Nigeria's three majority ethnic groups are the Yoruba (South-West), Igbo (South-East) and Hausa-Fulani (North). None of these three tribes are indigenous to the middle-belt which is instead made up of over 150 minority tribes. It's believed that Hausa-Fulani migrants make up 40% of the middle belt’s population. Religious identity in the region roughly aligns with ethnicity: the Hausa-Fulani largely being Muslim; the majority of the indigenous tribes, Christian.
Conflict between the indigenous tribes and their Islamic northern neighbours dates back to before colonial times when the Hausa-Fulani ruled the north through the expansionist Islamic Sokoto Caliphate. Colonial rule saw little improvement in regional relations as the British, in an attempt to run a low-cost administration, installed Fulani-Hausa governors across the same middle belt regions which had previously resisted the Caliphate’s influence. As far as the British were concerned Hausa-Fulani cultural, linguistic and religious hegemony was far more familiar and dependable than the fractured, diverse and ‘pagan’ politics of the middle belt tribes. In the post-colonial setting these historical factors have contributed toward a ‘culture of resistance’ among many of the middle belt’s indigenous tribes and a desire to protect what they regard to be rightfully theirs.
The widespread conversion of many of the middle-belt’s minority tribes to Christianity since colonial times has also had an impact on the region. Though religious divides did overlap with ethic divides prior to the introduction of Christianity (Animist/Muslim), recent Christian/Muslim divides haveproven very effective in garnering regional, national and international sympathies during periods of conflict.
The debate over ‘indigenous v settled’ in the middle-belt is not just one of historical significance. Under certain provisions in the 1999 Nigerian Constitution local government areas have the right to award, or withhold, ‘indigene’ certificates to residents. In certain regions these certificates determine whether individuals can access schools, qualify for work, own/inherit land and participate in politics. As well as contributing towards inequality, awarding or withholding these certificates, in ethnically/religiously divided constituencies, has become a key strategy in securing political majorities.
Recent decades have also seen an increase in farmer-herder clashes in the region. These conflicts share the same political, religious and ethnic divides but occur more frequently in rural areas. The relevant conflict drivers are said to revolve around access to resources amidst issues of climate change and Nigeria’s growing population. Regardless, however, these clashes have done much to feed into the growing Muslim v Christian narrative.
A brief understanding of context illustrates the complexity of the middle-belt region showing significant overlap of ethnic, political, and religious identities. Though these divides rarely spark conflict in and of themselves they can be vehicles through which grievances are mobilized into conflict.
